Paul Johnson, eminent British historian, writes in Forbes.com:
Despite all these false friends and hidden enemies, however, democracy is taking its first faltering steps in the Arab-Muslim world. It may well be that in history's long perspective, America's success in turning Afghanistan and Iraq away from tyranny, fear and murder toward the peaceful rule of the ballot will seem a historic turning point. Other successes may well follow, and the chariot of democracy will gather momentum.
Just as the appalling 20th century was the age of the totalitarian state, the Gulag and Auschwitz, so the 21st may come to be seen as the age of government "of the people, by the people, for the people." If so, the U.S., by its courage and persistence, will be able to take primary credit. It has certainly led from the front, and it has shown that it knows how to use its position as the world's sole superpower with judgment, honor and unselfishness.
I think Abraham Lincoln would be proud of what George W. Bush and the U.S. forces have done. After the freeing of the slaves, what more logical and benevolent step could there be than to free millions of Arabs from the slavery of terror? So I say, God Bless America. And I'm confident that countless millions throughout the world say so, too, even if they do not dare--yet--to say so aloud.
It seems to me that this is what was missed in past years' discussions about Imperial America -- the idea that America, while belligerent, and quite possibly, too-quick to wage war, fights for something greater than its own, narrow "hegemonic" interests.
I don't expect many foreign observers, or many Americans that affect foreign observations to take this point seriously (Dr. Johnson excepted, natch). In their understanding of America and American actions, they transpose themselves into our shoes and keep their own worldview operative, instead of adopting our contexts and our horizons.
It's like the would-be-historian that looks at the westward expansion of the United States and says, "See, American society is built on genocide!" Such thinking is essentially anachronistic. In those days, genocide was not seen for the great evil that it was. Which is why it is also anachronistic and possibly willfully intellectually dishonest to claim that America is intent on genocide today -- based on the fact that we carried out genocide then.
"Genocide" is a historical concept. That is to say, it is both a concept that describes events in history, but also, as a concept, genocide is its own historical event. And as much as leftists and center-left intellectuals, with their affected cynicism might wish to draw historical parallels with what we are seeing, it is increasingly clear that they are not only wrong, but monumentally, colossally wrong.
Indeed, the American people have grown out of the painful adolescence of its expansionist, frontier days, much as Europe has grown out of its sadistic colonialism, and -- let us hope -- nihilistic nationalism. What we are witnessing today in the Middle East is the wholehearted acceptance of the United States as its on-again, off-again role as the fulcrum in the progression of the historico-philosphical idea of a free humanity.
Many will scoff at the idea and many will disabuse themselves of it. After all, who wants to really stand behind some kind of teleology? Weren't many enthralled by the would-be-prophetic dialectical materialism which its termination not as some kind of happy place where we can all do as we wish -- "fisherman by day, philosopher by night" -- only to be betrayed by the exclusionary, obliterative violence which resided at in the vile, black heart of that ideology? Yes. Because the ideology of communism posited the dissolution of difference -- socio-economic difference -- as the key to a hippie. dippie future Shangri-La, which logically entails the ultimate destruction of the offending "other" that denies us our destiny. That is to say, at the bottom of the historico-philosophical idea of European communism was the irresistable urge to commit genocide.
We argue a different historico-philosophical idea. Instead of a utopian future, free from want and chock-full-o'-license, we argue a hard future, a difficult one. We argue a future of freedom, a future of empowerment. One which, we can say, is typified by the words of Jean-Paul Sartre:
Man is condemned to be free; because once thrown into the world, he is responsible for everything he does.
(Aside: I quote Sartre in spite of himself and myself. He was a devoted communist who gained his renown by simultaneously arguing for individualism and collectivism, and rationalizing the excesses of communism by intellectually reconciling reality to the theory. Moreover, he did it by cribbing the writings of better philosophers that came before him, and hit it big by being able to turn as good a phrase as any.)
In Sartre's pithy quote there is a moral injuction which carries with it a terrible burden. If freedom and responisbility are concomitant, in what is essentially an ethical relationship, then the possession of freeom implies not only the responsibility to remain free, but the responsibliity to use one's freedom, whether through action or inaction, for moral ends. There is no higher principle to which the free man can defer to other than the responsibility which is inalienable from his freedom.
It is this responsibility that America has siezed, with "judgment, honor and unselfishness", while other nations have shirked from the ethical obligations that their freedoms exert upon them. Shirking such obligations might be the shrewd move for some, and prudence is a virtue. Prudence demands a proportion, a careful weighing of value -- a cost/benefit analysis. But what is the calculus of such prudence in light of the issue of freedom vs. oppression? At what point does one value one's freedoms at the expense of others? Isn't that what realpolitik is all about, anyway -- stability "over there" for freedom here.
This is also where the history of the United States becomes salient. But not the exapnsionism of the West, rather, it is the sad occasion of the American Civil War. For the first 80 or 90 years of the Union, the people of the North were "realistic" and tolerated the practice of slavery in the South to preserve the poltical union of the United States, and by extension, safeguard their own freedoms. Is it not the case that in the 1860's a call for "realism" would have been an acceptance, if not a tacit endorsement, of slavery?
The parallels are many, indeed. The argument that the South was entitled to its "peculiar institution" -- slavery -- is the same as the one that defends the brutatlity and savagery of tyrants and dictators: the primacy of culture over ideas. Culture, we are told by some, trumps universal principles, because cultural practices are valid within their own, particular contexts. The argument that the freed slaves would never be full or responsible citizens of the United States is the same as the condescending view that holds that Arabs are incapable of governning themselves by democracy: they have no history of such ideas or institutions. This is rationalization is an appeal to the authority of elites -- only the elite (for whatever reason) have the knowledge/inclination/birthright/temperment/ethnicity to properly govern and dispense justice, "So if you know what's good for you -- and you don't -- you will listen and obey!"
The parallels of our contemparpy conflict to the Civil War extend far beyond that, including the fact that the war was nominally about a realist goal, which morphed into an idealist goal. In the case of the Civil War the causus belli was to affirm the supremacy of the Union and deny the validity of the Doctrine of Nullifaction, which then turned into a war to free the slaves and to punish the wicked Southerners. (Yeah, that last point is somewhat incindieary, but look at how the war was won and the imposition of Federal rule over the rebel states, and it becomes clear that the war become punitive as it became a contest of attrition>. In our current conflagration, the causus belli was to maintain collective peace and security by minimizing the likelihood of a transfer of weapons of mass destruction to nihilist Sunni Jihadists, which has since turned into a war to bring democracy to the Middle East.
Which brings us back to the historico-philosophical Idea. How are we to understand it within the American context and horizon? Does it have at its root the genocide of European communism? No. While their origins are contemporary to the 1860's, the American Idea is not the destruction and marginalization of "classes" of people, rather, it's about the promotion of freedom, It's really quite simple, actually. Why, it's even a song, written by Julia Ward Howe:
The Battle Hymn of the Republic
Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord
He is trampling out the vintage where the grapes of wrath are stored,
He has loosed the fateful lightening of His terrible swift sword
His truth is marching on.
Glory! Glory! Hallelujah!
Glory! Glory! Hallelujah!
Glory! Glory! Hallelujah!
His truth is marching on.
I have seen Him in the watch-fires of a hundred circling camps
They have builded Him an altar in the evening dews and damps
I can read His righteous sentence by the dim and flaring lamps
His day is marching on.
Glory! Glory! Hallelujah!
Glory! Glory! Hallelujah!
Glory! Glory! Hallelujah!
His truth is marching on.
I have read a fiery gospel writ in burnish`d rows of steel
"As ye deal with my contemners, So with you my grace shall deal;"
Let the Hero, born of woman, crush the serpent with his heel
Since God is marching on.
Glory! Glory! Hallelujah!
Glory! Glory! Hallelujah!
Glory! Glory! Hallelujah!
His truth is marching on.
He has sounded forth the trumpet that shall never call retreat
He is sifting out the hearts of men before His judgment-seat
Oh, be swift, my soul, to answer Him! be jubilant, my feet!
Our God is marching on.
Glory! Glory! Hallelujah!
Glory! Glory! Hallelujah!
Glory! Glory! Hallelujah!
His truth is marching on.
In the beauty of the lilies Christ was born across the sea,
With a glory in His bosom that transfigures you and me:
As He died to make men holy, let us die to make men free,
While God is marching on.
Glory! Glory! Hallelujah!
Glory! Glory! Hallelujah!
Glory! Glory! Hallelujah!
His truth is marching on.
A question that this hymn raises for me is to what degree this mission to make men free necessarily requires a religious component. In the case of 1860's it clearly had a religious component. In our time, is it still the case that it carries with it some undeniable aspect of religiousity?
Perhaps. That may very well be why an increasingly secular Americans and Europeans reject this mission. After all, if there is no God, who is to say that one's ways are the "right" ones, i.e. the Truth? (Aside: Without the backing of the full faith and credit of the Big Guy Upstairs, every worldview is equally valid -- although some are more valid than others, natch. This propostion lies at the bottom of the "intolerant tolerance" of intellectual relativism: Since there is no one way, we must listen to all equally valid ways, so shut-the-fu@k-up you close-minded Jesusfreak @ssholes, and think righteo-, er, "correctly", like we do!)
Is religiousity necessary to bring about the kind of historico-philosophical change that we are discussing? Could it be that the power of religion not so much the permanence of dogma or healing of the sick, but, rather, the machinery to affect sweeping, millenial, historico-philosophical change? This would seem to be the case, if we examine the end of the Roman Empire and the rise of Christianity, or the end of the Hellenic World and the rise of Islam. And, it would seem to be the case that our contemporary, millenial Christianity is affecting today. And no, it's not spreading worldwide Jesusland. It's exporting freedom. God Bless America, indeed.